The British government decided to endorse the establishment of a Jewish home in Palestine. After discussions within the cabinet and consultations with Jewish. The Balfour Declaration was a statement of support made by the British Government for the establishment of a national home for the Jewish people in Eretz. A decade later, as British foreign secretary, he wrote the document known as the Balfour Declaration, which recognized the Jewish people’s.
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The Balfour Declaration was a public statement issued by the British government in during World War I announcing support for the establishment of a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestinethen an Ottoman region with a small minority Jewish population.
His Majesty’s government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.
Immediately following their declaration of war on the Ottoman Empire in Novemberthe British War Cabinet began to consider the future of Palestine; within two months a memorandum was circulated to the Cabinet by a Zionist Cabinet member, Herbert Samuelproposing the support of Zionist ambitions in order to enlist the support of Jews in the wider war.
Asquith to determine their policy toward the Ottoman Empire including Palestine.
Asquith, who had favored post-war reform of the Ottoman Empire, resigned in December ; his replacement David Lloyd Georgefavored partition of the Empire.
The first negotiations between the British and the Zionists took place at a conference on 7 February that included Sir Mark Sykes and the Zionist leadership.
Subsequent discussions led to Balfour’s request, on 19 June, that Rothschild and Chaim Weizmann submit a draft of a public declaration. Further drafts were discussed by the British Cabinet during September and October, with input from Zionist and anti-Zionist Jews but with no representation from the local population in Palestine. By latein the lead up to the Balfour Declaration, the wider war had reached a stalemate, with two of Britain’s allies not fully engaged: A stalemate in southern Palestine was broken by the Battle of Beersheba on 31 October The release of the final declaration was authorised on 31 October; the preceding Cabinet discussion had referenced perceived propaganda benefits amongst the worldwide Jewish community for the Allied war effort.
The opening words of the declaration represented the first public expression of support for Zionism by a major political power. The term “national home” had no precedent in international law, and was intentionally vague as to whether a Jewish state was contemplated. The intended boundaries of Palestine were not specified, and the British government later confirmed that the words “in Palestine” meant that the Jewish national home was not intended to cover all of Palestine.
The second half of the declaration was added to satisfy opponents of the policy, who had claimed that it would otherwise prejudice the position of the local population of Palestine and encourage antisemitism worldwide by “stamping the Jews as strangers in their native lands”.
The declaration called for safeguarding the civil and religious rights for the Palestinian Arabswho composed the vast majority of the local populationand also the rights of the Jewish communities in other countries outside of Palestine. The British government acknowledged in that the local population’s views should have been taken into account, and recognised in that the declaration should have called for protection of the Palestinian Arabs’ political rights. The declaration had many long-lasting consequences.
It greatly increased popular support for Zionism within Jewish communities worldwideand became a core component of the British Mandate for Palestinethe founding document of Mandatory Palestinewhich later became Israel and the Palestinian territories. As a result, it is considered a principal cause of the ongoing Israeli—Palestinian conflictoften described as the world’s most intractable conflict.
Controversy remains over a number of areas, such as whether the declaration contradicted earlier promises the British made to the Sharif of Mecca in the McMahon—Hussein correspondence.
Who Wrote the Balfour Declaration and Why: The World War I Connection
Early British political support for an increased Jewish presence in the region of Palestine was based upon geopolitical calculations. Such efforts were premature,  and did not succeed; [iii] only 24, Jews were living in Palestine on the eve of the emergence of Zionism within the world’s Balrour communities in the last two decades of the 19th century.
Zionism arose in the late 19th century in reaction to anti-Semitic and exclusionary nationalist movements in Europe. InTheodor Herzla Jewish journalist living in Austria-Hungarypublished the foundational text of political Zionism, Der Judenstaat “The Jews’ State” or “The State of the Jews”in which he asserted that the only solution to the ” Jewish Question ” in Europe, including growing anti-Semitism, was the establishment of a state for the Jews.
Proposed measures to attain that goal included the promotion of Jewish settlement there, the organisation of Jews in the diasporathe strengthening of Jewish feeling and consciousness, and preparatory steps to attain necessary governmental grants.
Deklaratkon leader Chaim Weizmannlater President of the World Zionist Organisation and first President of Israelmoved from Switzerland to the Balfoyr in and met Arthur Balfour — who had just launched his — election campaign after resigning as Prime Minister  — in a session arranged by Charles Dreyfushis Jewish constituency representative. The scheme, which had been proposed to Herzl by Joseph ChamberlainColonial Secretary in Balfour’s Cabinet, following his trip to East Africa earlier in the year, [vii] had been subsequently voted down following Herzl’s death by the Seventh Zionist Congress in [viii] after two years of heated debate in the Zionist Organization.
In January Weizmann first met Baron Edmond de Rothschilda member of the French branch of the Rothschild family and a leading proponent of the Zionist movement,  in relation to a project to build a Hebrew university in Jerusalem. Prior balforu the declaration, about 8, of Britain’sJews belonged to a Zionist organisation. The year marked four centuries since Palestine had become part of the Ottoman Empirealso known as the Turkish Empire.
Ottoman government in Constantinople began to bbalfour restrictions on Jewish immigration to Palestine in latein response to the start of the First Aliyah earlier that year. At the meeting David Lloyd Georgethen Chancellor of the Exchequer”referred to the ultimate destiny of Palestine”. A month later, Samuel circulated a memorandum entitled The Future of Palestine to his Cabinet colleagues. Many further discussions followed, including the initial meetings in —16 between Lloyd George, who had been appointed Minister of Munitions in May and Weizmann, who was appointed as a scientific advisor to the ministry in September In late the British High Commissioner to EgyptHenry McMahonexchanged ten letters with Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Meccain which he promised Hussein to recognize Arab independence “in the limits and boundaries proposed by the Sherif of Mecca” in return for Hussein launching a revolt against the Ottoman Empire.
The pledge excluded “portions of Syria ” lying to the west of “the districts of Damascus, HomsHama and Aleppo “. In Palestine, internationalisation was proposed,   with the form of administration to be confirmed after consultation with both Russia and Hussein;  the January balfohr noted Christian and Muslim interests, and that “members of the Jewish community throughout the world have a conscientious and sentimental interest in the future of the country.
Prior to this point, ceklaration active negotiations with Zionists had taken place, but Sykes had been aware of Zionism, was in contact with Moses Gaster — a deklarattion President of the English Zionist Federation  — and may have seen Samuel’s memorandum.
These wartime initiatives, inclusive of the declaration, are frequently considered together by historians because of the potential, real or imagined, for incompatibility between them, particularly in regard to the disposition of Deklaratiln. In terms of British politics, the declaration resulted from the coming into power of Lloyd George and his Cabinetwhich had replaced the H. Asquith led-Cabinet in December Whilst both Prime Ministers were Liberals and both governments deklartaion wartime coalitionsLloyd George and Deklararion, appointed as his Foreign Secretary, favoured a post-war partition of the Ottoman Empire as a major British war aim, whereas Asquith and his Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Greyhad favoured its reform.
Two days after taking office, Lloyd George told General Robertsonthe Chief of the Imperial General Staffthat he wanted a major victory, preferably the capture of Jerusalemto impress Xeklaration public opinion,  and immediately consulted his War Cabinet about a “further campaign into Palestine when El Arish had been secured.
Following the change in government, Sykes was promoted into the War Cabinet Secretariat with responsibility for Middle Eastern affairs. In Januarydespite having previously built a relationship with Moses Gaster, [xii] he began looking bbalfour meet other Zionist leaders; by deklaratiion end of the month he had been introduced to Weizmann and his associate Nahum Sokolowa journalist and executive of the World Zionist Organization who had moved to Britain at the beginning of the war.
Still the Arabs could be managed, particularly if they received Jewish support in other matters. During deklaratiion period of the British War Cabinet discussions leading up to the declaration, the war had reached a period of stalemate. On the Western Front the tide would first turn in favour of the Central Powers in spring blafour decisively turning in favour of the Allies from July onwards.
Balfour met Weizmann at the Foreign Office on 22 March ; two days later, Weizmann described the meeting as being “the first time I had a real business talk with him”. The French position in regard to Palestine and the wider Syria region during the lead up to the Balfour Declaration was largely dictated by the terms of the Sykes-Picot Agreement, and was complicated from 23 November by increasing French awareness of the British discussions with the Sherif deklarationn Mecca.
In early April, Sykes and Picot were appointed to act as the chief negotiators once more, this time on a month-long mission to the Middle East for further discussions with the Sherif deklartaion Mecca and other Arab leaders. He was also received by Paolo Bosellithe Italian prime minister. Sonnino arranged for the secretary general of the ministry to send a letter to the effect that, although he could not express himself on the merits of a program which concerned all the allies, “generally speaking” he was not opposed deklaratjon the legitimate claims of the Jews.
During the trip he spent significant time discussing Zionism with Louis Brandeisa leading Zionist and a close ally of Wilson who had been appointed as a Supreme Court Justice a year previously. Following further discussion, a revised — and at just 46 words in length, much shorter — draft declaration was prepared and sent by Lord Rothschild to Balfour on 18 July. The decision to release the declaration was taken by the British War Cabinet bqlfour 31 October This followed discussion at four War Cabinet meetings including the 31 October meeting over the space of the previous two months.
These included the views of government ministers, war allies — notably from President Woodrow Wilson — and in October, formal submissions from six Zionist leaders and four non-Zionist Jews.
British officials asked President Wilson for his consent on the matter on two occasions — first on 3 September, when he replied the time was not ripe, and later on 6 October, when he agreed with the release of the declaration. Excerpts from the minutes of these four War Cabinet meetings provide a description xeklaration the primary factors that the ministers considered:. Declassification of British government archives has allowed scholars to piece together the choreography of the deklaratio of the declaration; in his widely cited book, Leonard Stein published four previous drafts of the declaration.
The drafting began with Weizmann’s balgour to the Zionist drafting team on its objectives in a letter dated 20 Juneone day following his meeting with Rothschild and Balfour. He proposed that the declaration from the British government should state: A month after the receipt of the much-reduced 12 July draft from Rothschild, Balfour proposed a number of mainly technical amendments. His Majesty’s Government regards as essential for the realization of this principle the grant of internal autonomy to the Jewish nationality in Palestine, freedom of immigration for Jews, and the establishment of a Jewish National Colonizing Corporation for the resettlement and economic development of the country.
The conditions and forms of the internal autonomy and a Charter for the Jewish National Colonizing Corporation should, in the view of His Majesty’s Government, balfoir elaborated in detail and determined with the representatives of the Zionist Organization. His Majesty’s Government will use its best endeavours to secure the achievement of this object and will discuss the necessary methods and means with the Zionist Organisation.
Subsequent authors have debated who the dekoaration author” really was. In his posthumously published book The Anglo-American EstablishmentGeorgetown University history professor Carroll Quigley explained his view that Lord Milner was the primary author of the declaration, [xvii] and more recently, William D.
Report of the Palin CommissionAugust .
The Balfour Declaration: Table of Contents
The term “national home” was intentionally ambiguous,  having no legal value or precedent in international law,  such that its meaning was unclear when compared to other terms such as “state”. Interpretation of the wording has been sought in the correspondence leading to the final version of demlaration declaration. An official report deklaratoin the War Cabinet sent by Sykes on 22 September said that the Zionists did not want “to set up a Jewish Republic or any other form of state in Palestine or in any part of Palestine” but rather preferred some form of protectorate as provided in the Palestine Mandate.
Sections of the British press assumed that a Jewish state was intended even before the Declaration was finalized. Treaty expert David Hunter Millerwho was at the conference and subsequently compiled a 22 volume compendium of documents, provides a report of the Bzlfour Section of the American Delegation to the Paris Peace Conference seklaration which recommended that “there be established a separate state in Palestine,” and that “it will be the policy of the League of Nations to recognize Palestine as a Jewish state, as soon as it is a Drklaration state in fact.
Jewish settlement would be allowed and encouraged in this state and this state’s holy sites would deklaratioj under the control of the League of Nations. Historian Matthew Jacobs later wrote that the US approach was hampered by the “general absence balgour specialist knowledge about the region” and that “like much of the Inquiry’s work on the Middle East, the reports on Palestine were deeply flawed” and “presupposed a particular outcome of the conflict”.
He quotes Miller, writing about one report on the history balforu impact of Zionism, “absolutely inadequate from any standpoint and must be regarded as nothing more than material for a future report” .
Lord Robert Cecil on 2 Decemberassured an audience that the government fully intended that “Judea [was] for the Jews.
If, as may well happen, there should be created in our own lifetime by the banks of the Jordan a Jewish State under the protection of the British Crown which might comprise three or four millions of Jews, an event will have occurred in the history of the world which would from every point of view be beneficial.
Churchill said deklaratino in the course of many years they become a majority in the country, they naturally would take it over We made an equal pledge that we would not turn the Arab off his land or invade his political deklsration social rights”. Such a claim in my opinion is clearly inadmissible and personally I do not think we should go further than the original declaration which I made to Lord Rothschild”.
In FebruaryFrance issued a statement that it would not oppose putting Palestine under British trusteeship and the formation of a Jewish State.
They considered we were steering straight upon the latter, and the very last thing they would do was to enlarge ddeklaration State for they totally disapproved our policy. Greece’s Foreign Minister told the editor of the Salonica Jewish organ Pro-Israel that “the establishment of a Jewish State meets in Greece with full and sincere sympathy A Jewish Palestine would become an ally of Greece.
The British government, including Churchill, made it clear that the Declaration did not intend for the whole of Palestine to be converted into a Jewish National Home, “but that deklaraion a Home should be founded in Palestine. Lawrence, whereby they would try to establish a peaceful relationship between Arabs and Jews in Palestine.
We feel that the Arabs and Jews are cousins in race, suffering similar oppression at the hands of powers stronger than themselves, and by a happy coincidence have been able to take the first step toward the attainment of their national ideals together.
We Arabs, especially the educated among us, look with deepest sympathy on the Zionist movement We will do our best, in so far as we are concerned, to help them through; we will wish the Jews a most hearty welcome home. When the letter was tabled at the Shaw Commission inRustam Haidar spoke to Faisal in Baghdad and cabled that Faisal had “no recollection deklagation he wrote anything of the sort”.
I believe this letter is part of the false claims made by Chaim Weizmann and Lawrence to lead astray public opinion.
He then may or may not have been induced to sign it”, since it ran counter to Faisal’s other public and private statements at the time. This feeling of respect for other religions dictates my opinion about Palestine, our neighbor.
That the unhappy Jews come to reside there and behave as good citizens deklagation this country, our humanity rejoices given that they are placed under a Muslim or Christian government mandated by The League of Nations.
If they want to constitute a state and claim sovereign rights in this region, I forsee very serious dangers.